On December 8, Mohsen Shekari, a protester who participated in the uprising raging through Iran for three months, was executed in Tehran. Regardless of the unprecedented international protests, only four days later, Majidreza Rahnavard was hanged in public in the city of Mashhad on the same charge, Moharebeh, that is waging war on God. Scores of more than 30,000 protesters arrested in the last three months in Iran for participating in the uprising have been sentenced to death by the mullahs’ regime’s courts, awaiting the execution of the dreadful sentence.
Three months after the start of the nationwide popular uprising, the Islamic Republic returns to its strategic tactic of self-defense: execution. At the same time, from December 7 to 14, i.e., within one week, 24 more people were executed in 13 cities in Iran. Twelve of them were hanged in just one day, December 12.
From the first day, the mullahs’ regime established its power based on internal repression and the export of terrorism abroad. Although the regime’s internal repression knows no limits in terms of methods, the primary and symbolic way of this repression has been hanging and public execution.
From the beginning, the mullahs used execution to create the terror necessary to stabilize their government and ensure the continuity of their rule.
A few months after the mullahs took power after the fall of the Shah, in response to the demands of the people of Kurdistan and other nationalities, the government had to resort to execution. Sadegh Khalkhali, Khomeini’s hanging judge in the name of religion, gained worldwide infamy at that time.
In June 1981, the political suffocation created by the regime left the Iranian people with no choice other than armed resistance. The wave of executions to suppress this resistance was incomparable to any previous regime behavior and commensurate with the regime’s existential threat.
Twelve teenage female students were shot immediately after the demonstration on June 20, 1981, without verifying their identity. The authorities published their photos in state newspapers the day after and demanded that relatives collect their bodies. In October of the same year, the regime executed nearly 200 children.
After the demonstrations engulfed Tehran on September 27, 1981, the mullahs hastily executed 1,200 people arrested in the protest. Starting from July 1988, in a few months, based on a written fatwa by Khomeini, 30,000 political prisoners, mainly from the People’s Mojahedin, who stayed loyal to the opposition to the regime, were executed.
Clearly showing #Iran mullahs' regime sees no way other than executions out of its crisis. International community should hold them to accountability. #NoImpunity4Mullahs https://t.co/aS0S7VpUL4
— Aladdin Touran (@AladdinTouran) March 2, 2021
The misconception was that after such a massive purge of the opposition, the execution machine of the regime would slow down and stop at some point. However, reliable statistics from human rights organizations and the testimonies of UN reporters show the regime has kept the highest number of executions in proportion to its population in the world.
Khomeini and now Khamenei’s hiding behind sharia and religious law to legitimize the use of the death decree is sheer deception. The mullahs show their deceit in the double standard used to implement this “divine decree.”
For example, execution for moharebeh, which according to the regime, means drawing weapons against the defenseless, a charge used to execute unarmed demonstrators, is never applied to those having the slightest relation with official instances of the regime.
Saeed Askar, who in 1999 shot Saeed Hajarian, a former official-turned-critic of the regime, has not been punished yet and even relapsed by attacking students opposing the government.
Mahmoud Karimi, a religious singer close to Khamenei, who pulled a gun on a young couple when he had a car accident with them in the street, was not even punished.
Ali Akbar Heydari Far, an advisor to the infamous Judge Saeed Mortazavi, was released instead of being punished for moharebeh when he was arrested for pulling a weapon in the gas station line and shooting to intimidate the people.
Mohsen Fallahian, son of Ali Fallahian, the former intelligence minister of the regime, who pulled his gun and killed a police officer, was never punished.
Execution is a main stabilizing factor for this system, as the acquisition of nuclear weapons is considered a sort of life insurance for it.
Unlike the mullahs, in the 10-point program of Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, the abolition of the death penalty and Iran’s non-recourse to nuclear weapons are included. No democratic government in Iran can maintain the stability elements of the mullahs’ regime.
The blood shed by the mullahs, even from the best children of Iran, guarantees that after this government, no one will ever be able to rule Iran through gallows or a firing squad.
Source » ncr-iran