“Why do most children of officials and revolutionaries harbor aversion and even hatred towards the revolution? How can we address the ongoing defamation of Khomeini? Why, after 34 years since Khomeini’s passing, do individuals within the country, including seminarians and academics, continue to blame him for minor inefficiencies?”
These questions serve as the central focus of a recent interview on the Iran regime’s state-run website Jamaran with Mehdi Kalhor, a media consultant who has worked with several previous governments. Although these interview questions have been crafted to align with the regime’s narrative, they still underscore a growing sentiment of illegitimacy surrounding the regime’s founder, even within the ruling class.
Desperately, Mehdi Kalhor fails to provide convincing answers during the interview. He acknowledges that this resentment and ignorance of the regime’s principles are not confined to the so-called reformist faction or marginalized political figures. He states, “Both fundamentalist and reformist groups consistently attribute the smallest objections and problems to the Imam and the leadership, despite 34 years having passed since his death.”
Moreover, ‘anti-Khomeiniism’ is not restricted to “the regime’s officials’ children and some influential figures of the past.” Rather, even their elders, representing both political currents and spectrums, are mired in this disillusionment.
Kalhor goes on to admit that some religious scholars, including “very close students” of Khomeini, have reservations and believe that “the Islamic revolution and the formation of the Islamic government were a mistake.”
In his desperation, Kalhor sees the solution to this crisis as “relying on Khomeini, his will, and his recommendations.” However, the reality is that when people harbor such deep-seated resentment towards Khomeini, relying on his recommendations won’t resolve the fundamental crisis facing the regime.
It’s worth noting that this admission of growing animosity towards Khomeini among the regime’s officials and supporters is not unique to this interview. Recently, Hassan Khomeini lamented that the situation had reached a critical point where “all obscenities are directed at him,” holding him responsible for all current misfortunes. He emphasized, “One is responsible for his own actions, not for events that occurred 30 years after his time.”
The dislike for the regime’s founder extends even further, with some former Khomeini supporters no longer willing to refer to him as ‘Imam.’ For instance, Abdollah Naseri, the former CEO of IRNA, the regime’s official news agency, when asked why he still uses the title ‘Imam’ for Khomeini despite criticizing the government’s hypocrisy and the falseness of the religious government, responded, “Regarding calling Mr. Khomeini Imam, I am not prejudiced. You are dealing with a sign or historical knowledge, the use of which is not a proof of the user’s love or prejudice.” His intention is to convey that using this irrelevant word does not diminish his disgust; it is merely a formality.
Importantly, everything mentioned here pertains to the remaining 3-4% who still support the regime. The majority of the Iranian population has expressed their opinions about Khomeini, his oppressive rule, and his dynasty since 1980.
During last year’s uprising, one of the main slogans was “Death to Khamenei, Curse on Khomeini,” and tearing and burning Khomeini’s photos from school books and school walls became common signs of student protests across schools. The burning of Khomeini’s father’s house in his hometown also stemmed from this hatred of the regime founder. In the 2018 uprising, we witnessed how the burning of a symbolic ring associated with Khomeini in Shahriar, west of Tehran, was met with resounding applause from the youth in that region.
Even today, Khomeini’s photos and symbols in cities are among the primary targets of public outrage, leading the regime to install multiple cameras near each of his pictures.
None of this is surprising; it is the outcome of 44 years of Khomeini’s and his successor’s rule of oppression, corruption, and destruction. Khomeini embodied the essence of this malevolent rule. He betrayed the trust of the people and oversaw widespread violence. By combining politics, religion, and a people’s revolution, he imposed the infamous principle of ‘Velayat-e Faghih’ for four and a half decades, turning Iran into one of the world’s most regressive countries.
He sent over 120,000 of Iran’s finest to their deaths and ultimately left the government in the hands of one of his most ruthless followers before passing away. Therefore, Khomeini bears primary responsibility for the hardships and tragedies endured by Iranians, from the inception of the 1979 revolution to the present day. What was once the assertion of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) and the people has now become a confession from elements and supporters within the regime.
Source » irannewsupdate