IRGC Financial Empire

# Overview

The IRGC is the main force of the regime, which both oppresses people inside Iran and exports chaos and terrorism abroad. But the question is how this entity is funded? In this piece, we intend to show how the world’s largest terrorist organization is funded. The following information is from “The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards’ Financial Empire,” a book published by the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) United States Representative Office.

14 powerhouses that are under the supervision of the IRGC and Ali Khamenei, the regime’s supreme leader. These 14 powerhouses oversee the looting of Iran’s economy and fund the IRGC’s activities and its subsidiaries, such as the terrorist Quds Force and Basij militia.

# 14 powerhouses

The 14 powerhouses and large economic institutions that control Iran’s economy are as follows:

Now let’s take an in-depth look at these foundations. The information below are excerpts of NCRI-US office book “The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards’ Financial Empire.”

IRGC Quds force, Iran regime clandestine military empire

# 1. SETAD-E EJRAIY-E FARMAN-E HAZRAT-E EMAM

Setad-e Ejraiy-e Farman-e Haz- rat-e Emam or Headquarters for Executing the Order of the Imam (the U. S. Treasury Department refers to this entity as The Execution of Imam Khomeini’s Order ‘EIKO’), herein referred to as Setad, is the richest and highest revenue-generating enterprise controlled by Khamenei. On June 4, 2013, the Treasury Department subjected this entity and 37 of its associate entities to sanctions pursuant to Executive Order 13599, which blocks the property of the Government of Iran.

Setad’s influence and domination over the Iranian economy surpass even that of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). It is the most assertive of the so-called “non-government public sector” companies when it comes to the confiscation of assets. An important difference between Setad and other similar institutions in the sphere of the velayat-e faqih’s influence is that it has been able to take possession of some of the most profitable and largest commercial and financial firms, thanks to the direct and daily backing of Khamenei himself.

A Reuters investigation published in 2013 estimated Setad assets to be worth around $95 billion. Those assets not mentioned in the Reuters report, but listed below, reveal the wealth of Setad to be much more than this estimate. In reality, Setad is the engine of Khamenei’s “synergy” strategy for the Iranian economy.

The mandate of the “Tadbir Energy Development Group”, one member of the Setad conglomerate, is “to establish a powerful international oil, gas, petrochemical and energy producer through the creation or ownership of effective shares of active companies or companies with potentially viable assets.”

A review of Setad’s activities also confirms that this complex is one of the most important interlocutors for transactions with western companies.

For example, in the conclusion of this text, mention is made of some pharmaceutical components of Setad with French, American, British, Italian, and Swiss companies.

The new administrative organ of Setad has 100 employees and is authorized to make policy and supervise the institution’s activities. The members of this board are handpicked by Khamenei himself. They include the likes of mullah Hossein-Ali Nayyeri, a judge during the 1988 massacre of thousands of political prisoners; Hossein Shariatmadari, an interrogator, torturer, and now Khamenei’s representative in the state-run daily Kayhan; and Mohammad Mohammadi Golpayegani, Khamenei’s chief of staff.

To strengthen the financial backbone of Setad, in 2010, Khamenei transferred close to $1B worth of assets from Astan-e Abdol-Azim in Rey city to Setad.

Who is Ali Khamenei Iranian regime supreme leader?

The names of some of the parent companies within this conglomerate are:

Setad Asset and Property Organization – This organization has confiscated real estate properties, land, assets, residential homes, heritage and historic properties, and many others, especially over the past decade.

# 2. BONYAD-E MOSTAZAFAN

The Islamic Revolution Mostazafan (op- pressed) Foundation operates under the direct supervision of Khamenei, who hand- picks its president. In 1997, Mohsen Rafiq- doost, the foundation’s former president, said the Mostazafan Foundation owned 400 commercial companies, and produced 28 percent of textiles, 22 percent of cement, about 45 percent of non-alcoholic beverag- es, 28 percent of tires, and 25 percent of sugar produced in Iran.

Bonyad Mostazafan – General InfoBonyad Mostazafan – Connected withBonyad Mostazafan – Involved InBonyad Mostazafan – Report

The Ministry of Roads and Urban Development announced on November 1, 2016, that it had awarded another massive development project to the Mostazafan Foundation. Mahmoud Navidi, managing director of “Khomeini Airport Estates Company” announced that the Ministry will sign a contract with the Mostazafan Foundation for construction and operation of the “Salam Terminal in Khomeini Airport” in Tehran. The state-run ILNA news agency, quoting Navidi, wrote: “This project was awarded to the Mostazafan Foundation without competitive bidding. According to [Navidi], the contract was awarded upon the recommendation and approval of Rouhani’s cabinet.”

The Foundation’s investment in this project was announced at $4B USD. Construction of part of the Salam Terminal had previously been awarded to the National Construction Company, a subsidiary of the Mostazafan Foundation.


– Heads of Khamenei-controlled Mostazafan Foundation in the past 41 years. From left: Ali-Naghi Khamoushi, Mohammad-Ali Rajaei, Mir-Hossein Mousavi, Mohsen Rafighdoost, Mohammad Foruzandeh, Mohammad Saeedi-Kia, Parviz Fattah

Some of the other main subsidiaries of this foundation are listed below.

# 3. ASTAN-E QODS-E RAZAVI

The Astan-e Qods-e Razavi Foundation has been called an unbridled giant when it comes to Iran’s political economy. It is the largest employer in the northeastern province of Khorasan. It has control over (more than 50 percent ownership) in at least 58 large companies. It also owns significant shares in 31 other companies. These include financial institutions and brokers, hospitals, media outlets, publishing houses, animal husbandry, Internet service companies, and car manufacturers, among many others.

Astan Quds Razavi – General Info Astan Quds Razavi – Connected with Astan Quds Razavi – Involved In Astan Quds Razavi – Report

According to websites affiliated with the economic organization of this institution, the Razavi economic organization is recognized as the biggest economic holding in eastern Iran with high diversity in different businesses. It controls the production of 10 percent of sugar, 11 percent of decorative stones, 3.7 percent of city and inter-city coach buses, and one-sixth of bread production in the country.

The cartel of companies tied to Astan-e Qods-e Razavi controls the annual production of 47,000 tons of non-homogenized milk, 2,000 tons of red meat, 1,000 tons of white meat, 100,000 tons of agricultural products, 10,000 square meters of fabric, 6,000 square meters of hand-weaved carpets, while also executing over 136 construction, development, road, and urban development projects.

Large swathes of farmland in northeastern Iran, estimated to be at least 990,000 acres with an estimated value of over $20B, are owned by this foundation. Additionally, 43.5 percent of Mashhad city’s urban land is under the foundation’s ownership. It also has endowments in 14 provinces, real estate offices in 20 provinces, and 300,000 rentals.
In the context of the regime’s export of fundamentalism, the foundation conducts activities in Syria, including bridge construction. In 2016, the foundation and the IRGC conducted negotiations for the foundation to allocate at least 20 percent of its annual income to cover the IRGC’s expenses.

Astan Quds Razavi, an economic powerhouse of the Iranian regime

Below is a list of some of the conglomerate’s firms and holding companies.

Holding Companies:

# 4. BONYAD-E SHAHID (MARTYR)

The Shahid (Martyr) Foundation was created in 1979 on the orders of former Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini. Its reach grew after the start of the eight- year Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, as it provided services to the victims’ families. Much like other similar institutions, the foundation took huge leaps in the 1990s to accumulate wealth quickly. Under Khamenei’s direct control, the foundation took ownership of many financial, commercial and manufacturing enterprises. Despite owning a vast range of assets and generating significant revenues, it is also allocated a portion of the government budget. The chairman of the foundation is a representative of the Supreme Leader.

The U.S. Department of the Treasury designated the Martyrs Foundation on July 24, 2007 under Executive Order 13224. Designations under E.O. 13224 freeze any assets the designees may have under U.S. jurisdiction and prohibit transactions by U.S. persons with the designees. In its statement, Treasury said, “The Martyrs Foundation is an Iranian parastatal organization that channels financial support from Iran to several terrorist organizations in the Levant, including Hizballah, Hamas, and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ). To this end, the Martyrs Foundation established branches in Lebanon staffed by leaders and members of these same terrorist groups. Martyrs Foundation branches in Lebanon have also provided financial support to the families of killed or imprisoned Hizballah and PIJ members, including suicide bombers in the Palestinian territories.”

Some of the companies and institutions controlled by the Shahid Foundation are listed below.

One of Bank Day’s branches in Iran

# 5. EMDAD (RELIEF) COMMITTEE

The Imam Khomeini Relief Committee (IKRC) was established on March 5, 1979. Its declared goal is to support the “destitute and oppressed” and to enable them to be self-reliant. Although the committee receives a remarkable share of the annual government budget, it also runs separate commerce and financial enterprises, obtaining significant profits.

Despite its declared aim of helping the destitute, numerous reports, including those published in the regime’s own media outlets, confirm that the Emdad Committee is part of the regime’s apparatus of exporting terrorism and fundamentalism. Its website declares it has offices in Iraq, Lebanon, Azerbaijan, Syria, Tajikistan, Afghanistan and the African country of Comoros. According to state-run media, “Based on official figures, the Emdad Committee has official representation in 6 countries. Per its former chairman, the committee has formed popular cells in 30 countries around the world. As of 2014, the committee helps a total of 34,219 people in Lebanon, Syria, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Iraq and Comoros. Afghanistan has the most beneficiaries with 13,200 people in need of help. Iraq is second, with 12,700 people.”

Some of these so-called beneficiaries are the same people who, after undergoing a series of training sessions, are sent to Syria by the Quds Force to fight for the Assad dictatorship. Many other reports describe the Emdad Committee’s activities associated with exporting fundamentalism in various countries of the region. On July 8, 2016, Tajikistan’s Ministry of Justice asked a court in the country to ban the activities of the Emdad Committee.

A 2016 report obtained from inside the Iranian regime indicates that the Emdad Committee pays monthly stipends to over 5,000 households of the Syrian dictatorship’s forces killed in recent years.

On August 3, 2010, the U.S. Treasury Department designated The Imam Khomeini Relief Committee Lebanon Branch pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13224. Treasury stated, “Iran has provided millions of dollars to the Hezbollah-run branch in Lebanon since 2007. The IKRC has helped fund and operates Hezbollah youth training camps, which have been used to recruit future Hezbollah members and operatives. Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah has acknowledged the IKRC branch in Lebanon as one of Hezbollah’s openly-functioning institutions linked to and funded by Iran.”

Hassan Nasrallah: ‘as long as Iran has money, Hezbollah has money’

On December 20, 2015, Iranian media reported that Parviz Fattah, the head of Emdad, had paid a visit to the Beqaa (Bekaa) Valley in south Lebanon, which is the stronghold of Hezbollah, to meet with persons who had received the committee’s aide.

Some of the holding companies and institutions controlled by the Emdad Committee are:

The committee also owns significant land and farms in other provinces, including Tehran, Esfahan, Hamedan, Semnan Alborz, Khorasan, Qazvin, Ilam, Kermanshah, Azarbaijan, Lorestan, Charmahal Bakhtiari, and Ardebil. However, there are no official reports in this regard.

# 6. IRGC COOPERATIVE FOUNDATION

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Cooperative Foundation (Bonyad Taavon Sepah) is regarded as the most powerful financial institution in the country. Article 4 of the charter of this so-called “foundation” states, “The initial investment in the foundation at the time of its founding was ten million Rials (roughly $315), contributed by the Supreme Leader.” Article 23 says, “All of the funds and assets of the foundation belong to His Excellency the Supreme Leader. In case of its dissolution, after settling all debts, all of the properties and assets will be handed over to His Excellency.”

Bonyad Taavon Sepah – General Info Bonyad Taavon Sepah – Connected with Bonyad Taavon Sepah – Involved In Bonyad Taavon Sepah – Report

The U. S. Treasury Department announced in December 2010 that pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13382 – an authority aimed at freezing the assets of proliferators of weapons of mass destruction – Bonyad Taavon Sepah had been designated for providing services to the IRGC.

How the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps IRGC plunders Iran’s economy?

The foundation is one of the five largest economic powerhouses in the country. Some of the commercial companies and groups of this foundation are:

A. Bahman Automobile Manufacturing Group:


A considerable portion of this automotive group belongs to the IRGC Cooperative. The Ghadir Investment Company also owns a significant portion. The automobile manufacturing group itself owns the following companies:

Saipa Company: Saipa is the second-largest automaker in Iran. Despite only holding 17 percent of shares in the company, in effect the IRGC is the main decision-maker and beneficiary of its profits. Saipa owns other companies, including:

Mohammad-Javad Azari Jahromi, the Minister of Information and Communications Technology: Irancell (MTN) is the first and largest digital operator in Iran – June 13, 2020

Pasargad Financial Group:
The Pasargad Financial Group is comprised of Pasargad Bank and several other companies, which operate in the areas of information technology, communications, electronic payment services, insurance, reinsurance, brokerages, heavy equipment leasing, commercial building leasing, construction, mining and industry, energy and other services.

Pasargad Bank is tied to the IRGC. The Pars Arian Investment Company is its largest shareholder. Among its other large shareholders are: Saipa Investments, Ghadir Investments, and Steel Industries Pension Fund.

In view of strict restrictions on IRGC-affiliated banks preceding the velayat-e faqih’s retreat from the nuclear program, Pasargad Bank executives made serious attempts to deny their affiliation with the IRGC. However, there is considerable evidence that the bank plays a major role in the IRGC’s economic empire.

One of the large shareholders of the group is the Saman Majd Investment Company, which is affiliated with the Thamen al-A’ameh Credit and Financial Institution, and is part of the IRGC Cooperative Foundation. In June 2016, a scandal broke out in state-run papers showing that a banking network exists in all the mullahs’ prisons, which confiscates the cash assets of the detainees. The network is part of Pasargad Bank. On June 14, 2016, Pasargad denied taking advantage of prisoners in a statement. However, it admitted having branches in all prisons, saying: “In line with meeting our social responsibilities, we have been charged with this great responsibility, and despite the significant investments made in all the country’s detention centers, the bank has never tried to gain profits in this area.”

In addition to Pasargad Bank, the group’s other ventures include:

# 7. KHATAM AL-ANBIYA CONSTRUCTION HEADQUARTERS

The Khatam al-Anbiya Construction Headquarters is part of the IRGC. It began as a contractor of industrial and construction projects in 1989. In its charter, the most important goal of the complex is to “efficiently utilize the available construction and economic resources, capacities and talents of the IRGC to continue the Islamic Revolution.”

Khatam-al Anbiya – General Info Khatam-al Anbiya – Connected with Khatam-al Anbiya – Involved In Khatam-al Anbiya – Report

Khatam is the largest contractor for government projects. It has 5,000 subcontractors and about 135,000 employees. The cartel enjoys the complete support of the regime and has easy access to banking and financial resources and sustained contracts with no competitive bidding. It has created an operation whereby it totally dominates industrial and construction projects, as well as a portion of oil and gas deals, rendering the private sector unable to compete.

The Khatam Headquarters contracting services acts as a huge intermediary between the government and small engineering and technical companies, which have a major portion of their revenues seized by Khatam. Ownership of many of these companies occurred unilaterally or through intimidation and at times force. On July 1, 2006, Khatam took ownership of Oriental Kish Oil, which had drilling operations in some oil and gas fields of the Persian Gulf. The transfer of ownership included all projects, operations and equipment and assets, worth over $90M. Khatam resolved a commercial dispute with the Romanian-owned Grup Servicii Petroliere by firing on Romanian workers from both military helicopters and ships before boarding the (offshore) Romanian rig and holding its crew hostage, according to reports.

Saeed Mohammad, IRGC member and Commander of the Khatam al-Anbiya Construction Headquarters

Khatam’s projects have inflicted catastrophic damage to Iran’s economy and environment. Increased salt levels in the Karun River, the largest river in Iran, in addition to a portion of Iran’s water crisis in recent years, are a result of the unbridled and unnecessary dam construction by Khatam.

Khatam also has extensive operations in the sectors of oil and gas and petrochemicals. For instance, it is responsible for the Phase 15 and 16 development of the South Pars oil and gas field.

State-run news agency IRNA quoted the director of the National Iranian Oil Company as saying that the Khatam Headquarters’ oil contracts had surpassed $25B.

In October 2007, The United States Treasury Department designated Khatam al-Anbiya under Executive Order (E.O.) 13382, which freezes the assets of designated proliferators of weapons of mass destruction and their supporters. Other Khatam affiliated companies — Oriental Oil, Sahel Construction, and Sepasad Engineering — were covered by the same designation. In February 2010, Treasury took a further step and designated under the same order IRGC General Rostam Qasemi, the commander of Khatam al-Anbiya Construction Headquarters (at the time), as well as four subsidiary companies, Fater Engineering Institute, Imensazen Consultant Engineers Institute (ICEI), Makin Institute, and Rahab Institute.

# 8. BASSIJ COOPERATIVE FOUNDATION

The Bassij Cooperative Foundation belongs to the paramilitary Bassij Force, considered one of the five forces of the IRGC.

Bonyad Taavon Basij – General Info Bonyad Taavon Basij – Connected with Bonyad Taavon Basij – Involved In The Basij Resistance Force – General Info

The foundation has a large number of holdings and financial institutions, including:

Iranian Mehr Economic Investments

This company has an extensive presence in the Tehran Stock Exchange. Much like other economic powerhouses affiliated with the Supreme Leader’s office, the company’s star rose overnight. Former director of the company Abbas Rezai said in 2009: “We took over the Iranian Mehr Economic Investment Company 32 months ago with $6.3M to $9.4M. I am now leaving a company that has $4.4B worth of investments.”

The affiliates of this company include:

# 9. GHADIR INVESTMENT COMPANY

Ghadir is one of the most important investment companies in Iran. Although tied to the Defense Department, government institutions do not have authority or influence over it; the Supreme Leader controls it. The company controls over 16 percent of cement production in Iran, and 5.2 percent of cement production in the Middle East and North Africa, which translates into 0.4 percent of total cement production in the world.

In the United States, Ghadir Investment Company, has been sanctioned under Iranian Transactions and Sanctions Regulations by the U.S. Treasury Department, which requires U.S. persons to block the property and interests in property of this entity.

Some of the companies operating under Ghadir are:

# 10. ARMED FORCES SOCIAL WELFARE INVESTMENT ORGANIZATION (SATA)

The Armed Forces Social Welfare Investment Organization (SATA) is made up of a wide range of industrial and investment companies, including:

# 11. KHATAM AL-OSIA HEADQUARTERS

Khatam al-Osia is tied to the Department of Defense and was founded on the orders of Khamenei in 2010. It is a consortium comprised of five large oil and gas contractors. Khatam al-Osia is in essence a cartel of contractors, formed by a large number of contracting companies who leverage political influence to win government contracts without going through a formal process (i.e. without competitive bids). They then subcontract to engineering companies, winning large sums of profits at the other end.

The complex carries out construction and oil projects. It replaced Shell and Repsol in developments in the South Pars field.

# 12. STATE SECURITY FORCES (NAJA) COOPERATIVE FOUNDATION

The foundation is tied to the Iranian regime’s State Security Forces (SSF or its Farsi abbreviation NAJA). However, the Interior Ministry has no supervision over it. Its cooperative foundation, which today is one of the largest holding companies in Iran, was established in 1997 but grew to a remarkable scale after 2005. In 2014, state-run media estimated the assets of this foundation to be over $3.2B. The enterprises of this foundation include:

# 13. ARMY COOPERATIVE FOUNDATION (BTAJA)

# 14. JOINT CHIEFS OF THE ARMED FORCES COOPERATIVE FOUNDATION (VDJA)

The foundation owns multiple companies. According to its former president, “The resources of the VDJA Cooperative have increased from $31.5M in 2009 to $2.2B in 2013. Its budget has also increased from $20.5M in 2009 to $470M in 2013.”

# Conclusion

The vast and interconnected network of wealth and power in the hands of the Supreme leader is indicative of a sophisticated monopoly over the Iranian economy. Doing business with Iran is to do business with Khamenei and the IRGC. At the same time, the significant revenues from this monopoly enable and primarily fund the regime’s terrorism, intransigence and regional adventurism.

Meanwhile, the above facts and figures show that the regime is strategically unstable as a result of these developments to keep pace with the demands of a growing population and a young demographic. According to The Economist, “The Islamic Republic’s labor force is expected to grow by 2.5% annually in the five years to 2020, equivalent to about 3 million new job seekers. The problem is thorniest for young people and women, for whom unemployment stands at 25.2% and 19.7% respectively.” These figures are, in part, obtained from official and ultraconservative estimates.

The real picture is much “thornier.” Tehran has not been able to create the required number of net new jobs despite the lifting of most sanctions in 2015.

At the same time, the options for expansionary policies are limited, which means Tehran faces major constraints to revive the economy after a recession; Dramatically falling oil prices have slashed budgetary commitments and the ability to pay for infrastructure needs. Future security uncertainties for the regime have multiplied as a result of a lower currency reserve.

The inflation rate has been spiraling out of control despite some minor efforts to arrest the worsening trend. Both the unemployment rate and the inflation rate are enduring and persistent, resulting in profound structural damages.

This disastrous economic situation is the most enduring long-term source for social discontent, hence a major source of instability for the regime at home. Unemployed youth and women, recent university grads, workers, civic employees, and many others are looking for minimum sources of subsistence. That has created a vulnerable situation for the regime as protests are on the rise and they could lead to a massive upheaval, similar cases of which were seen during the Arab Spring uprisings in the broader region, two major uprisings in 2018 and 2019 are testaments to this fact.

Now, Western companies engaged or willing to engage in economic and financial deals with Iran portray their activities as transactions with the “private sector.” This is a baseless, hollow claim. As shown by the data provided, behind the official banks and companies lies a web of institutions controlled by the theocracy, and specifically the IRGC.

For example, in September 2015, the French hotel company Accor signed a contract with the Iranian company Aria Ziggurat to manage the two 4-and-5-star hotel chains of Ibis and Novotel. Aria Ziggurat is owned 100 percent by a tourism investment firm called SEMGA (Iran Cultural Heritage and Tourism Investment Group Co.). It is one of the investment entities owned by the IRGC. This extreme monopoly has also created tailwinds upon which the regime’s foreign adventurism has intensified, but within the regime’s own ranks it has created a sense of chaos.

From an economic viewpoint, it has accelerated the waste and squanders of Iran’s economic resources, leading to a greater recession, more unemployment, and extensive poverty among the population. These excesses have occurred by depriving the society of the ownership of its wealth by means of force. As noted in reference to articles of the regime’s constitution, any form of coexistence, peace or engagement between Iran’s rulers and Iranian society at large has eroded, leaving only room for permanent tension between the two sides. Moreover, the monopolization itself translates into circumstances that create enormous hurdles to true economic growth and development in Iran. In other words, the Velayat-e Faqih (Supreme Leader) has amassed its wealth by robbing the Iranian people of theirs, while violating their rights. In the process, and thus, the regime has eradicated the social backing and support instrumental and necessary for a government’s stability and legitimacy. That has made Tehran more vulnerable than ever before. As social demands grow in breadth and depth, the regime’s ability to respond to those demands appears increasingly limited. That is a recipe for a major social transformation, one that certainly excludes a possible future role for Tehran’s theocratic rulers.

As mentioned, the IRGC has been plundering the Iranian people’s wealth to fund terrorism. The recent trial of Iran’s incarcerated diplomat-terrorist Assadollah Assadi and his three accomplices in Belgium is an example of how the regime uses the Iranian people’s money to pursue terrorism across the globe.

Also, while the Iranian people are grappling with poverty, Reuters reported that the IRGC intends to spend $600 million in Iraq to expand the holy shrine of Imam Hussain, the third Shi’ite Imam.

“Hassan Pelarak, a top officer in the Revolutionary Guards’ elite Quds Force, had recently been sanctioned by the U.S. for weapons smuggling. He was checking in on a construction project led by a firm he owns together with other Revolutionary Guards, a foundation linked to Iran’s Supreme Leader. This foundation too is under U.S. sanctions,” Reuters wrote.
To end the regime’s terrorism, it is imperative to annihilate its financial resources for funding terrorism.

The facts above once again highlight the need for adopting a firm policy vis-à-vis this terrorist regime.

The international community should maintain and increase sanctions on the regime and recognize the IRGC as a terrorist entity. It is time for the world community to hold the regime to account.

As the Iranian Resistance has repeatedly said, holding the regime to account for its crimes and adopting a firm policy toward it is imperative for global peace and security.